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All About Ferdinand Marcos

kaito89

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Gusto ko lang i-share yung mga nababasa ko tungkol kay Ferdinand Marcos. Open ko po itong thread na to para sa mga Pro or Anti-Marcos dyan. :)

13 Intriguing Facts You Might Not Know About Ferdinand Marcos

Ferdinand Marcos was one heck of a controversial president. He’s extremely polarizing, and only few in the history of presidency could match him in that aspect.

But here’s a disclaimer: I’m neither a pro- or anti-Marcos. The goal is to provide unbiased information as opposed to exaggerated claims that have led some clueless Filipinos–especially the young ones–to make hasty conclusions.

Some say he’s the best president the country ever had, while others believe otherwise. But how well do we really know the Philippines’ strongman? Is he really the evil dictator that the media claim he was?

Here are 13 facts about former President Ferdinand Marcos that young Filipinos ought to know:

1. He was baptized into the Aglipayan Church.


Born on September 11, 1917 in Sarrat, Ilocos Norte, Ferdinand Marcos was baptized into the Aglipayan or Philippine Independent Church.

The church was founded in 1902 by Isabelo de los Reyes and a Roman Catholic priest named Gregorio Aglipay who also became its first Supreme Bishop.

Members of this church reject the spiritual authority of the Pope as well as the doctrine of the Trinity. They also denied the existence of angels, devils, miracles, and other supernatural manifestations.

2. He changed religion in order to marry Imelda in a Catholic church.

When Marcos first met Imelda Romualdez in 1954, it was love at first sight. So after only two weeks of courtship, the couple tied the knot first in a civil ceremony in Baguio City followed by a church wedding at the
Pro Cathedral of San Miguel in Manila.

To make this possible, Imelda had to convince Ferdinand to convert from his native Aglipayan religion to Roman Catholicism. She succeeded in persuading the latter, and the church wedding was held afterwards with President Ramon Magsaysay as the principal sponsor.

3. He was a memory whiz.

Marcos was so smart he single-handedly topped the 1939 Bar Examinations (with near-perfect score) despite being in jail for 27 days!

Perhaps we can blame it on his photographic memory which allegedly gave him the ability to memorize complicated texts such as the the 1935 Philippine Constitution and recite them forward and backward.

Several people can attest to Marcos’ incredible memory, and they include Senator Miriam Defensor-Santiago who once served as the late president’s speech writer.

“One time, the Secretary of Justice forgot to tell me that the President had requested him to draft a speech….” said Miriam during an interview with the Philippine Star.

“And then, on the day the President was to deliver the speech, he suddenly remembered because Malacañang was asking for the speech, so he said, ‘This is an emergency. You just have to produce something.’

…He (Marcos) liked long speeches. I think that was 20 or 25 pages. And then, in the evening, I was there, of course. President Marcos recited the speech from memory.”

4. His achievements as a president can fill a book, and so are his crimes.

President Ferdinand Marcos’ dream of building a new society had brought forth several projects that have benefited us in the long run.

During his third SONA in 1968, Marcos claimed that the country became self-sufficient in rice and corn, therefore solving the chronic food shortage.

Fast forward to 1980 and the Marcos administration reached yet another milestone: The country’s gross national product (GNP) dramatically climbed from 39.5 billion pesos in 1965 to an outstanding 86.7 billion pesos in 1979, which translates to 6.6% growth rate a year.

And this was only the tip of the iceberg.

From Sept. 21, 1972 up to Feb. 26, 1986, Marcos was able to craft and formulate a total of 7,883 presidential decrees and other 5 legal issuances. All of the country’s specialty hospitals were also built during his term and these include the Kidney Center, Philippine Children Center, Philippine Heart Center, and the Lung Center of the Philippines.

Marcos’ accomplishments are too many to mention, and have since become the benchmark by which the performances of his successors are based upon.

But we also have to deal with the other side of the coin. As much as we want to admire Marcos, there are just facts that prove he’s as imperfect as those who came before and after him.

According to the Akbayan party-list group, the Marcos administration was responsible for 35,000 torture cases, 70,000 incarcerations, and 3,257 murders. He was also blamed for the arrest of more than 50,000 people including the “desaparecidos” or those who were victims of enforced disappearances.

It should also be noted that the value of the peso also dropped from P1 = US$ 1 to P25 = US$ 1 during Marcos’ term. And from just $360 million in 1962, our country’s debt reached a staggering P28.3 billion by the time Marcos left his office in 1986.

5. He wanted Ninoy to be his successor.

No thanks to the media, the general consensus now is that President Ferdinand Marcos ordered the assassination of Sen. Benigno “Ninoy” Aquino Jr.

But that claim is truly unfounded, and people should believe Marcos is innocent until a strong evidence prove otherwise.

In the first place, both Marcos and Ninoy were loyal members of the Upsilon Sigma Phi fraternity. Yes, Marcos hated Ninoy as his political nemesis but he also admired the latter for his undying principles.

Heck, Marcos even looked up to Ninoy as his potential successor.

In a special report published in the Philippine Daily Inquirer, it was revealed that Marcos considered Ninoy as the best prepared to be president among the politicians during that era. Some theorists also believe that “Marcos may have already considered Aquino as a potential successor even before he allowed the Tarlac politician to have an open heart surgery in the United States on May 8, 1980.”

Ex-Master Sgt. Pablo Martinez, one of those who were convicted of murder, confessed that Ninoy was indeed chosen by Marcos to be his successor. The president’s decision reportedly irked some of his allies, and so plans to assassinate Ninoy were made afterwards.

The same report also discusses an alleged covenant between Marcos and Ninoy. A travel companion of Aquino in the U.S. said that the covenant included “the position of prime minister in the National Assembly, provided that Aquino won a seat in the 1984 elections.”

6. Martial Law was communism’s biggest recruiter.

For Marcos, the August 1971 Plaza Miranda bombing (which the regime blamed on the communists) was a clear sign of using democracy to destroy democracy itself. To eliminate communist threats, he suspended the privilege of the Writ of Habeas Corpus and later declared martial law.

Ironically, the martial law eventually became communism’s biggest recruiter. From the 1,028 armed regulars in 1972, members of the New People’s Army (NPA) had ballooned to 22,500 by 1986.

7. His war exploits are questionable.

Marcos claimed he was the hero of the Battle of Bessang Pass during WWII, earning a total of 33 medals and awards throughout his career. However, his opponents believe otherwise.

Bonifacio Gillego, a military officer who resisted martial law, exposed that 11 of the 33 medals were given 20 years after the war when Marcos was already a Senate President gearing up for a presidential campaign. Eight of these awards, on the other hand, were actually campaign ribbons given to all participants “in the defense of Bataan and in the resistance.”

Regarding his war exploits, the U.S. army found no official documents that could prove Marcos led “Ang Maharlika”, a guerilla force composed of 8,200 men. In the end, they declared Marcos’ claims to be ”fraudulent” and ”absurd.”

So where the heck was Ferdinand Marcos during the Japanese occupation?

He said he was freed by the Japanese on August 4, 1942. But according to a Japanese document discovered by John Sharkey of the Washington Post, prisoners released at that time were either too sick or “whose families have cooperated with the Japanese military authorities.”

Marcos was not included in the list of ailing prisoners published by The Manila Tribune. We should also remember that his father, Mariano Marcos, was one of those who welcomed the Japanese with open arms and was later executed by anti-Japanese guerillas in 1945.

Marcos also claimed that he was hiding at the Philippine General Hospital from June to August, 1943. During the same period, President Laurel, leader of the Japanese puppet state, was also staying in the Japanese-controlled hospital. Go figure.

8. The ‘Omega 12′ was behind Marcos’ Martial Law.

The martial law was not a one-man endeavor. In fact, Marcos sought the help of his ’12 apostles’, later known as the “Rolex 12” (named after the Rolex watches that Marcos gave to them as gifts).

But according to a 1974 confidential memo of then US Ambassador to Manila William Sullivan, Marcos gave the 12 military officers gold Omega watches, not Rolexes. Hence, the proper term would be “Omega 12.”

Before declaring the martial law in 1972, Marcos consulted with the Omega 12, and their plans were contained in a confidential document called Oplan Sagittarius. Five members of the Omega 12, according to Tomas Diaz, even helped create the decrees of Proclamation 1081 before all 12 of them finalized Marcos’ plan.

The following are the official members of the “Omega 12”:

Defense Minister Juan Ponce Enrile,
Philippine Constabulary chief Maj. Gen. Fidel V. Ramos,
National Intelligence Security Authority chief Maj. Gen. Fabian Ver,
Lt. Col. Eduardo “Danding” Cojuangco, Jr.
Army chief Maj. Gen. Rafael Zagala,
Constabulary vice-chief Brig Gen. Tomas Diaz,
Armed Forces Chief of Staff Gen. Romeo Espino,
Air Force chief Maj. Gen. Jose Rancudo,
Navy chief Rear Admiral Hilario Ruiz,
ISAFP chief Brig. Gen. Ignacio Paz,
Metrocom chief Brig Gen. Alfredo Montoya, and
Rizal province Constabulary head Col. Romeo Gatan.

9. Marcos and the Yamashita treasure.

First off, Gen. Tomoyuki Yamashita really had nothing to do with the infamous treasure.
It was Emperor Hirohito’s brother, Prince Chichibu, who led the “Golden Lily” campaign and plundered Asian territories. Chichibu’s cousin, Prince Tsuneyoshi Takeda, was then assigned to hide the loot at hundreds of secret vaults within the Philippines. He also gave a copy of the maps to his Filipino servant for safekeeping.

Now let’s go back to President Marcos.

For some reason, he was able to get a copy of the treasure maps, and soon ordered his military officers to undertake a treasure hunt. And then came Rogelio Roxas, a Filipino treasure hunter who uncovered in a Baguio City tunnel thousands of gold bars and an 8-inch tall gold Buddha filled with real diamonds and precious stones.

It didn’t take long before the news reached President Marcos. He immediately sent his men to confiscate the treasure and had Roxas arrested and tortured.

When Cory Aquino became the president, she formed the now abolished Presidential Commission on Good Government (PCGG) to initiate the hunt for the missing Marcos Loot. As we all know, PCGG only recovered $5 billion (in the form of cash and other assets) out of the alleged $100 billion loot.

Imelda Marcos, on the other hand, claimed that her husband deposited a very large sum in a bank in Brussels, Belgium. This is because the amount of the fortune was so large “it would be embarrassing.”

10. He bought the Kalayaan Island in Spratlys for 1 peso.

Philippines’ claim over the Spratlys started when Tomas Cloma landed at its biggest island in 1956. A seafaring adventurer and owner of a fishing business, Cloma made a “Proclamation to the whole world” that a new state called “The Free Territory of Freedomland” was created. He asserted sovereignty over the area although no country formally recognized his claims.

Cloma, who was also the founder of the Philippine Maritime Institute, was later jailed during the martial law for the fraudulent use of the “admiral” title (his drinking buddies at the National Press Club called him “Admiral”).

He was released after he surrendered all his claims to the islands to Marcos for only one peso. Afterwards, Marcos officially transformed the biggest island (“Pag-Asa Island”) into a fortification, the first and probably the last time that our country was able to add a new territory.

11. He launched the first Philippine-made rocket.

Yes, you heard that right: A rocket made in the Philippines. Launched in Caballo Island (near Corregidor), the rocket was part of “Project Santa Barbara” which was participated by a group of scientists and the Philippine Navy.

Since December 1972, a series of 37 dynamic tests were conducted on the 180 MM rocket. The project, initiated by President Marcos, also involved testing of other weapons and armaments.

On September 1975, four “bongbong” rockets (named after Marcos’ son, obviously) were successfully launched. Asked about why the country was experimenting in making its own ballistic missiles, President Marcos explained:

“The defense of the Philippines cannot be left to alliance with other countries. We must assume that there will be contingencies where even the United States may not be ready to come to our assistance.”

12. He knew that the U.S. secretly stored nuclear weapons in the country, but never told anyone.

This is according to a document released by the National Security Archive based in George Washington University.

The said top-secret memo was from US career diplomat Robert McClintock. He informed then acting secretary of the US State Department that the storage of nuclear weapons “would be covered by executive privilege and not divulged to the Symington Subcommittee on overseas commitments.”

The memo also suggests that the nuclear weapons have been stored in the country for many years “without prior consultation with the Philippine Government.”

The document added: “The fact that President Marcos was secretly informed of the presence of these weapons in 1966 would not work to his advantage in the elections. The Philippine government and public are not aware of storage nor of President Marcos’ knowldege thereof.”

13. People worship him like a GOD.

Unlike most Filipinos who vilify the late dictator, a group of peasants in Ilocos Norte and in the mountains of Abra province worship Ferdinand Marcos like a saint.

In fact, they gather every month in their own chapel dressed in white flowing robes to worship the long-dead Marcos. Inside the chapel, they face an altar where the picture of the sacred heart of Jesus is displayed–with Jesus Christ’s face replaced by that of Marcos.

For the cult members, Marcos didn’t steal but “simply kept the fortune they accused him of stealing.” They also added that “time will come when all the money will be recovered and used for the development of our country.”

According to cult leader Rodolfo Cabusao, their group started as a member of the Rizalian Brotherhood which have long believed that Rizal was Christ’s reincarnation. They began worshipping Marcos when the strongman died in 1989, the same year when Cabusao claimed that Marcos appeared in his dream and proclaimed himself as God’s disciple.

Source: http://www.filipiknow.net/facts-about-ferdinand-marcos/
 

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THE PHILIPPINES UNDER FERDINAND MARCOS


For more than 20 years (Dec. 30, 1965 – Feb. 25, 1986) Ferdinand Marcos ruled the Philippines. He promised to make the nation great again in his inaugural speech of December 30, 1965.

His political venture began with his election to the House of Representatives in 1949 as a Congressman from Ilocos. He became Senate President in 1963. He was married to Imelda Romualdez from Leyte.

He ran for President as Nacionalista in 1965 election and won over Macapagal. Elected with Marcos as Vice-President was his NP running mate Fernando Lopez.

THE FIRST MARCOS TERM (1965 – 1969)

In his first term Marcos tried to stabilize the financial position of the government through an intensified tax collection. He also borrowed heavily from international financing institutions to support a large-scale infrastructure works projects were built. He improved agricultural production to make the country self-sufficient in food, especially in rice.

Marcos also tried to strengthen the foreign relations of the Philippines. He hosted a seven-nation summit conference on the crisis in South Vietnam in October, 1966. In support for the U.S. military efforts in South Vietnam, he agreed to send Filipino troops to that war zone.

THE SECOND TERM OF MARCOS (1969 – 1972)

In November 1969 Ferdinand Marcos and Fernando Lopez were re-elected. They defeated the Liberal Party ticket of Sergio Osmeña, Jr. and Senator Genaro Magsaysay. In winning the election, Marcos achieved the political distinction of being the first President of the Republic to be re-elected.

The most important developments during the second term of Marcos were the following:

The 1971 Constitutional Convention The Congress of the Philippines called for a Constitutional Convention on June 1, 1971 to review and rewrite the 1935 Constitution. Three-hundred twenty delegates were elected. The convention was headed first by former President Carlos P. Garcia and later by former President Diosdado Macapagal.

The Convention's image was tarnished by scandals which included the bribing of some delegates to make them "vote" against a proposal to prohibit Marcos from continuing in power under a new constitution. This scandal was exposed by Delegate Eduardo Quintero. For exposing the bribery attempt, Quintero found himself harassed by the government.

The first Papal Visit to the Philippines On November 27, 1970, Pope Paul VI visited the Philippines. It was the first time that the Pope had visited the only Catholic nation in Asia. Huge crowds met the Pope wherever he went in Metro Manila. The Pope left on November 29.

The Rise of Student Activism

Students protests on the prevailing conditions of the country saddled the second term of Marcos in office. Large throngs of students went out into the street of Manila and other urban centers to denounce the rampant graft and corruption, human rights violation, high tuition fees, militarization and abuses of the military, the presence of the U.S. Military bases and the subservience of the Marcos Administration to U.S. interests and policies.

The most violent student demonstration took place on January 1970 when thousands of student demonstrators tried to storm the gates of Malacañang. Six students were killed and many were wounded. This event came to be know as the "Battle of Mendiola".

The radical student groups during this period were the Kabataang Makabayan (KM) and the Samahang Demokratikong Kabataan (SDK). The communists took advantage of the situation and used the demonstrations in advancing its interests. The most prominent of the student leaders of this time were Nilo Tayag and Edgar Joson.

THE ESTABLISHMENT OF NEW PEOPLE'S ARMY (NPA)

Because of the perceived deplorable condition of the nation, the communist movement subdued by President Magsaysay in 1950's, revived their activities and clamor for reform. A more radical group, the Maoists, who believed in the principles of Mao-Tse-Tung (leader of China) took over the communist movement. They reorganized the Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP) and created a new communist guerilla army called the New People's Army (NPA).

The communists took advantage of the growing discontent with the Marcos. Administration to increase the number and strength. As a strategy, they actively supported a number of anti-Marcos groups. They infiltrated several student organizations, farmers, laborers and even professionals. The NPA gradually increased its ranks and spread to other parts of the country as far as Mindanao.

THE RISE IN ACTS OF VIOLENCE

In the early 1970's many of the acts of violence were inspired by the communists. Some, however, were believed to have been planned by pro-Marcos and other terrorist incidents rocked Metro Manila. The bloodiest was the Plaza Miranda Bombing on the night of August 1, 1971 where the Liberal Party had a political rally. Eight persons were killed and over 100 others were injure. Among the senatorial candidates injured were Eva Estrada Kalaw and several of its top officials.

Marcos blamed the communists for the tragic incident. He suspended the writ of habeas corpus to maintain peace and other. The suspension was lifted on January 11, 1972. Hundred of suspected subversives among the ranks of students, workers and professionals were picked up and detained by the government.

THE PROCLAMATION OF MARTIAL LAW

On September 21, 1972, Marcos declared Martial Law. This marked the beginning of the Marcos dictatorship. Proclamation 1081 placed the entire country under the military. It was signed on September 21, 1972 and announced to the nation in the evening of September 23, 1972. His main reason for declaring Martial Law as "to save the Republic" and "to reform society". He explained that the growing violence in the nation, caused by the leftists and the rightists elements had come to certain magnitude that required martial law.

It was believed that the true reason why Marcos declared martial was to perpetuate his rule over the Philippines. The 1935 Constitution limited the term of the President to no more than eight consecutive years in office.

The constitution did not say how long martial law should last. The constitution left much about martial law to the President's own judgment.

Marcos extended the period of Martial Law beyond the end of his term in 1973. He abolished the Congress of the Philippines and over its legislative powers. Thus, Marcos became a one-man ruler, a dictator. Marcos described his martial law government as a "constitutional authoritarianism".

Although the courts remained in the judiciary, the judges of all courts, from the Supreme Court down to the lowest courts, became "casuals". Their stay in office depended on the wishes of the dictator.

Under the martial law Marcos disregarded the constitution. For instance, he violated the provision which guaranteed the Bill of Rights (Article III). Upon his orders, the military picked up and detained thousands of Filipinos suspected of subversion. Among them were his critics and political opponents namely Senator Benigno S. Aquino, Jr., Francisco "Soc"Rodrigo, Jose W. Diokno and Jovita R. Salonga. Hundreds of detainees were tortured by their captors. Some disappeared and were never found again. Many were held in military detention camps for years without trial.

As a result of the foregoing measured, the crime rate in the country was reduced significantly. People became law-abiding. But these good gains did not last long. After a year of martial law, crime rates started to soar. By the time Marcos was removed from power, the peace and order situation in the country had become worse.

This communist insurgency problem did not stop when Marcos declared Martial law. A government report in 1986 showed that the NPAs already numbered over 16,000 heavily-armed guerillas. The NPAs waged a vigorous war against government forces They staged ambuscades and engaged in terrorist activities such as assassination of local officials who were known to be engaged in corrupt activities. The NPA killer squads were called Sparrow Units. They were feared in the areas under their control. They also imposed taxed in their territories.

To fight the growing NPA threat, Marcos increased the armed forces to over 200,000 men. He also organized Civilian Home Defense Forces in the rural areas threatened by the NPAs . Several NPA leaders were captured like Jose Ma. Sison, alleged founder of the communist Party in the Philippines; Bernabe Buscayno, the NPA chief, and Victor Corpus, a renegade PC lieutenant.

The rampant violation of human rights of the people in the rural areas suspected of being NPA sympathizers, the injustices committed by some government officials and powerful and influential persons, and the continuing poverty of the people were used as propaganda of the NPA in attracting idealistic young people. Even priests and nuns who were witnesses to the oppression of the Marcos dictatorship join the NPAs. One of the priests who joined the NPA was Father Conrado Balweg of the Society of the Divine Word (SVD). He became a rebel folk hero to the ethnic tribes in the Cordilleras in Northern Luzon. As of July 1993, Balweg claimed to reports: "I am still in charge".

POLITICAL PARTIES DURING THE MARCOS REGIME

In the early years of martial law, political parties were suspended. Political parties resumed only with the election for the Interim Batasang Pambansa on April 7, 1978. It was the first national election under Martial law.

The second electoral exercise was the election of local officials held on January 30, 1980. As expected, political parties resurfaced. Those who supported President Marcos formed the Kilusang Bagong Lipunan (KBL) which became in fact anew political party. Its members were from the ranks of the Liberal and Nacionalist parties. The KBL dominated all the elections held during the Marcos era.

New political parties emerged to fight the KBL. One such group was the Lakas ng Bayan (LABAN) founded in 1978 by the opposition group headed by former Senator Benigno S. Aquino, Jr. LABAN had a 21-man ticket in Metro Manila for the 1978 IBP elections. The KBL candidates headed by Imelda R. Marcos prevailed in the elections.

Aside from LABAN, the other partied organized were the Mindanao Alliance, the Partido Demokratiko ng Pilipinas (PDP), Bicol Saro, Pusyon Bisaya and Pinaghiusa in Cebu. Later on these small political parties united themselved into one umbrella organization that came to be known as the United Nationalist Democratic Organization (UNIDO) headed by former Senator Salvador H. Laurel. The UNIDO had its first electoral exercise in the 1984 Batasan elections. The great majority of the 60 or so opposition lawmakers who were elected in 1984 were UNIDO candidates.

ECONOMIC CHANGES UNDER MARCOS

To hasten the economic development, President Marcos implemented a number of economic programs. These programs helped the country to enjoy the period of economic growth I the mid-1970's up to the early 1980's.

The farmers were given technical and financial aid and other incentives such as "price support". With the incentives given to the farmers, the country's agricultural sector grew. As a result, the Philippines became self-sufficient in rice in 1976 and even became a rice exporter.

To help finance a number of economic development projects such as soil exploration, the establishment of geothermal power plants, the Bataan Nuclear Plant, hydro-electric dams, the construction of more roads, bridges, irrigation systems and other expensive infrastructure projects, the government engaged in foreign borrowings.

Foreign capital was invited to invest in certain industrial projects. They were offered incentives including tax exemption privileges and the privilege of bringing out their profits in foreign currencies. One of the most important economic programs in the 1980's was the Kilusang Kabuhayan at Kaunlaran (KKK). This program was started in September 1981. Its aim was to promote the economic development of the barangays by encouraging the barangay residents to engage in their own livelihood projects.

The government's efforts resulted in the increase of the nation's economic growth rate to an average of six percent to seven percent from 1970 to 1980. The rate was only less than 5 percent in the previous decade. The Gross National Product of the country (GNP) rose from P55 billion in 1972 to P193 billion in 1980.

Another major contributor to the economic growth of the country was the tourism industry. The number of tourists visiting the Philippine rose to one million by 1980 from less than 200,000 in previous years. The country earned at $500 million a year from tourism. A big portion of the tourist group was composed of Filipino balikbayans under the Ministry of Tourism's Balikbayan Program which was launched in 1973.

Another major source of economic growth of the country was the remittances of overseas Filipino workers. Thousands of Filipino workers found employment in the Middle East and in Singapore and Hongkong. These overseas Filipino workers not only helped ease the country's unemployment problem but also earned much-needed foreign exchange for the Philippines.

FOREIGN-RELATIONS POLICY UNDER MARCOS REGIME

In 1976 President Marcos announced to the Filipino people his policy of establishing relations with communist countries such as the People's Republic of Chine (june 9, 1975) and the Soviet Union (June 2, 1976).

Relations with the United States was modified. It was no longer based on the "sentemental ties" but on mutual respect for each other's national interest. Thus, the military and economic agreements between U.S. and the Philippines were amended to reflect this new relationship. In the amendments to the RP-U.S. Military Bases Agreement of 1947, the U.S. acknowledged the sovereignty of the Philippines over the American military bases in the country (Subic and Clark). These bases would have a Filipino commander and would fly the Philippine flag. IN addition, the U.S agreed to pay rentals to the Philippines for the use of the bases.

Marcos established closer ties with the Asian countries. The Philippines became a leading member of the Third-World – the collective name for the developing countries at that time. The Philippines actively participated in such world conferences as the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD) meeting held in Nairobi, Kenya, in 1976 and in the International Meeting on "Cooperation and Development held by the heads of 21 nations in Cancun, Mexico, in 1981.

Marcos took his oath of office on June 30, 1981 at the Luneta Park for a six-year term ending in 1987. On that occasion Marcos announced the establishment of a "New Republic of the Philippines".

- - - Updated - - -

The lifting of Martial Law

After implementing the program of development, Pres. Marcos issued Proclamation NO. 2045 on January 17, 1981, lifting Martial Law. Martial Law lasted for eight years, 3 months and 26 days. Mr. Marcos lifted Martial law to show to the Filipinos and the world that the situation in the Philippines was already back to normal. The government had already been functioning smoothly under the 1973 Constitution. Despited the lifting of Martial law, however, Marcos remained powerful and practised authoritarian rule.

The Presidential Election of 1981

Marcos called for a presidential election to be held on June 16, 1981. In this election he had Alejo Santos of the Nacionalista Party as opponent. Former Senator Benigno Aquino, Jr. was then living in exile abroad and could not run for presidency. The Liberal Party did not take part in the election. It was a runaway victory for Marcos who obtained 88% of the total votes cast. It was believed that Marcos won in the 1981 election because he was in full control of the situation.

Marcos took his oath of office on June 30, 1981 at the luneta Park for a six-year term ending in 1987. On that occasion Marcos announced the establishment of a "new" Republic of the Philippines.

THE RETURN AND ASSASINATION OF BENIGNO S. AQUINO, JR.

When martial law was proclaimed, the first politician to be arrested by the military on order of Ferdinand Marcos was Benigno S. Aquino, Jr. Aquino, a popular political leader, spent nearly eight years in a military detention cell at Fort Bonifacio.

In 1980, Marcos allowed Aquino to leave the country to enable him to undergo an emergency heart bypass operation in the United States. When Aquino decided to come home in 1983, the government tried to stop him, claiming that there were some people who wanted to kill him. He was asked to postpone his return. But Aquino persisted, and by using fake travel documents, he was able to fly back to the Philippines.

When the China Air Lines jetliner carrying him landed at the Manila International Airport at about 10:00 p.m., on August 21, 1983, soldiers boarded the plane and took him away. As Aquino and his military escorts were going down a stairway, a shot was heard, followed later by more shots. After a while, Aquino laid dead on the airport tarmac. Nearby laid the body of Rolando Galman. Galman was pointed as Aquino's "assassin."

The assassination of Aquino was reported to have awakened the Filipinos to the evils of Marcos as a dictator. Millions of Filipinos who sympathized with Aquino bereaved family, joined the funeral march to mourn for the death of an intelligent leader and to express their feelings against Marcos.

The assassination transformed Ninoy Aquino into an "idol". The battlecry "Ituloy ang laban ni Ninoy!" and "Ninoy, hindi ka nag-iisa" were heard from anti-Marcos demonstrators that erupted in Metro Manila and other urban center in the country.

The demonstrations were participated by different sectores, namely students, workers, farmers, businessmen, professionals and religious (nuns, priests and seminarians).

Many militant and cause-oriented groups were the August Twenty-One Movement (ATOM), Justice for Aquino, Justice for All (JAJA), Bagong Alyansang Makabayan (BAYAN).

The Aquino assassination gave Marcos a bad image abroad, Public opinion in the United States went against Marcos. President Reagan of the United States cancelled his state visit to the Philippines.

On October 14, 1983, President Marcos issued PD 1886 creating a five-man independent body to investigate the Aquino assassination. Headed by Mrs. Corazon Juliano Agrava, a retired Court of Appeals Justice, the investigation body came to be known as the Agrava-Fact-Finding Board (AFFB). The other members of the board were businessman Dante Santos, labor leader Ernesto Herrera, lawyer Luciano Salazar, and educator Amado Dizon.

The members of the AFFB, however, identified 25 military men and a civilian as participants in the plot. Those identified include AFP Chief of Staff General Fabian C. Ver, Jam. General Prospero Olivas of the PC Metropolitan Command (METROCOM) and Gen. Custodio.

President Marcos referred the two reports to the Sandiganbayan for trial. The trial began in Feb. 1985, and was presided over by Sandiganbayan Presiding Justice Manuel Pamaran. This trial became known as "Trial of the Century".

On December 2, 1985, the Sandiganbayan handed down its decision. The tribunal ruled that the 26 accused were innocent and that it was Galman who was hired by the communist who killed Aquino.
 
THE DECLINE OF THE ECONOMY

As the investigation and trial of the Aquino Assassination was going on, the Philippine economy was having hard times. There was a slow down of economic activities caused largely by high price of oil. The Philippine traditional exports such as sugar and cocunut oil were experiencing a price decline in the world market. The government was forced to borrow more money from the International Monetary Fund to help keep the economy going. The foreign debt of the Philippines reached $26 billion. A big portion of the annual earning of the country was allocated to the payment of annual interest on loans.

The tourism industry suffered a great decline after the Aquino Assassination. The wave of anti-Marcos demonstrations in the country that followed drove the tourists away. In addition, the political troubles hindered the entry of foreign investments. Foreign banks also stopped granting loans to the Philippine government. Foreign creditors started demanding payment of the debts which were already past due.

Without an adequate supply of foreign exchange, the industry sector could no longer import raw materials needed in production. Many factories had to close shop of cut their production because of the difficulty of obtaining raw materials. Many workers were laid off.

Marcos tried to launch a national economic recovery program. He nogotiated with foreign creditors including the International Bank for reconstruction and Development, World Bank, and the International Monetary Fund (IMF), for a restructing of the country's foreign debts – to give the Philippines more time to pay the loans. Marcos launched the Sariling Sikap, a livelihood program, in 1984. He ordered the cut in government expenditure to be able to save money for financing the livelihood program.

Despite the recrovery program, the economy continued to decline. A negative economic growth was experienced in the country beginning in 1984. The failure of the recovery program was due to the lack of credibility of Marcos and the rampant graft and corruption in the government. Many officials went on stealing the people's money by millions through anomalous transactions. Marcos himself spent large sums of government funds to help the candidates of the KBL to win.

THE SNAP ELECTION OF 1986 As the economy continued to decline, the IMF, World Bank, the United States and the country's foreign creditors pressured Marcos to institute reforms as a condition for the grant of additional economic and financial help. Rumors then spread about the possibility of a snap presidential election.

The rumors turned to be true because in November 1985, Marcos announced that there would be a snap presidential election. Marcos said that he needed a new mandate from the people to carry out a national economic recovery program successfully. The Batasang Pambansa enacted a law scheduling the election on February 7, 1986.

The divided opposition had the problem of choosing a candidate to fight Marcos. There were several opposition leaders who aspired to run for president, one of them being former Senator Salvador "Doy" H. Laurel who was nominated in June 1985 by the UNIDO to be its presidential candidate in any future presidential election. But none of them could unite the opposition.

A majority of the opposition and other anti-Marcos groups proposed instead that Mrs. Corazon C. Aquino be made the common opposition candidate for president. Due to a growing nationwide clamor for her to lead the opposition, Aquino agreed to run if Marcos would call for an election and at least one million people would sign a petition urging her to run for president. After the announcement of snap election by Marcos, the Cory Aquino for President Movement (CAPM), organized by Joaquin "Chino" Roces, was able to solicit more than one million signatures nationwide asking Mrs. Aquino to run against Marcos.

Upon the advice of Jaime Cardinal Sin, the Archbishop of Manila, former Senator Salvador Laurel of the UNIDO Party decided to sacrifice his presidential ambition for the sake of unity of the opposition by agreeing to run as Corazon Aquino's vice-presidential candidate.

The campaign period was from Dec. 11, 1995 to Feb. 5, 1986. The two rival political camps had their slogans and symbols. The LABAN Party of Cory Aquino had yellow as the symbolic color while the KBL of Marcos had red. The Aquino'' campaign slogan was "Tama na, Sobra na, palitan na!" The Marcos slogan was "Marcos pa rin!" Aquino had her "L" sign while Marcos had his "V" sign.

Corazon Aquino campaigned on the issue of ending the Marcos dictatorship and the restoration of freedom, justice and democracy. She charged Marcos with impoverishing the nation by allowing his family and cronies to rob the Filipinos of their wealth though illegal transactions. She also denounced the gross violations of human rights of the Marcos regime. She promised to give justice to the victims of harassment and abuses by the government officials.

President Marcos accused Mrs. Corazon Aquino of being a communist herself and said that her husband, Ninoy Aquino, was one of the founders of the Communist Party of the Philippines. He warned that an Aquino victory would pave the way for communist rule in the Philippines. Marcos also criticized Aquino for her lack of experience in government.

IN the election campaign, Marcos said that he favored the retention of the U.S. Military Bases. On the other hand, Mrs. Aquino said whe would let the U.S. Military stay until 1991 when the Military Bases Agreement (MBA) expired.

Mrs. Aquino also accused Marcos of being responsible for her husband's assassination. She also disclosed that Marcos was a fake World War II hero.

THE PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION OF 1986

On February 7, 1986, election day, about 20 million registered voters cast their votes in som 86,000 election precincts throughout the country. It was the most historic in the history of the 3rd republic. It was reported to be the "most controversial and confusing election" ever held in the Philippines, the "most internationally publicized election", and the "most fraudulent election" in the Philippine history.

Marcos resorted to massive vote buying to ensure his victory. KBL leaders in many areas used armed goons to terrorize the voters. There were instances of ballot box snatching. Flying voters were used. Election returns were falsified or altered.

So widespread was the cheating that the Catholic Bishops Conference of the Philippines (CBCP) in a statement issued a week after election, strongly condemned the conduct of the election. The CBCP described the election as "unparalleled in its fraudulence".

The Batasang Pambansa convened itself to make an official canvass of the election returns and to proclaim the winners. Based on the certificates of the canvass submitted to it by the Comelec registrars of 143 provinces, cities, and election districts, the Batasan on Feb. 15, 1986 proclaimed Ferdinand Marcos and Arturo Tolentino as the duly elected president and vice-president , respectively. The official Batasan tabulation showed that Marcos obtained 10,807,197 votes as against Aquino's 9,291,715 votes.

The Batasang Pambansa, which was controlled by the KNL, went on with the canvassing amidst the objections of the opposition members. The opposition MPs pointed out that there were irregularities in most of the certificates of canvass.

The fraudulent election Feb. 7, 1986 destroyed the image of President Marcos and his government abroad. Based on the reports of foreign newsmen and on what they saw on television, many people in the Philippines and abroad felt that Marcos was not the legitimated President of the Philippines. They believed that it was Corazon Aquino who won the presidency. As a result, except for the Soviet Union, not one foreign country congratulated Marcos.

The fraudulent election weakened American support for the Marcos Regime. After receiving the report of Senator Lugar who headed the U.S. election observer team in the Philippines, President Reagan said that "the fraudulent election casts doubts on the legitimacy of Marcos' re-election.

Mrs. Corazon Aquino, believing that she won, refused to accept the election of Marcos. So did the Catholic Church and many other groups which issued strong statements condemning the fraudulent election. On Feb. 16, 1986, Corazon Aquino launched a civil disobedience nationwide at Luneta.

The Philippines on the Eve of the EDSA Revolution

On the eve of the revolution, President Marcos was already a demoralized and beleaguered dictator. The international community of nations was convinced that there was fraud in the February 7 snap election and that he was a president who no longer had the mandate of the people. At that moment, influential members of the U.S. Congress were already urging Marcos to step down and over the presidency to Mrs. Corazon Cojuanco Aquino.

In the country, particularly in Metro Manila, political tension was rising to new heights. The Aquino civil disobedience movement rapidly gained heights and strengths. Students and teachers in many colleges and universities boycotted their classes to protest the fraudulent. February 7 election. Worker's groups planned for a general labor strike throughout the nation.

In the face of these events which threatened his dictatorial regime, Marcos began to issue warnings. He threatened to use his extra-ordinary powers to crush the strike movement. And he gave indications to impose martial law again. In fact he had already prepared a plan code named "Everlasting". The plan called for sending out soldiers loyal to his regime into the streets of Metro Manila to spread terror and violence. They would be in civilian clothes and would pretend to be Aquino followers. This would be used by Marcos as an excuse to impose martial law again in the country. Like what he did in 1972, Marcos would have the military arrest and detain the leaders of the opposition, including those among the clergy and in the armed forces who opposed him. But before he could carry out his plan, the EDSA Revolution of 1986 broke out.

Plans for a Military Coup De'etat

While the anti-Marcos sentiment in the country was growing, a group of young officers in the Armed Forces of the Philippines were making their own plans to overthrow the Marcos dictatorship. These officers were the leading organizers and members of a group known as the Reform the AFP Movement (RAM)

This movement was started in March 1985 by a group of officers who were graduated of the Philippine Military Academy. Its main aim was to work for reform in the armed forces. Just like the other branches of the government, the AFP was riddles with graft and corruption, favoritism and other anomalies that demoralized the decent members of the military. RAM wanted the restoration of professionalism in the military so that the AFP could regain its honor and pride. A reformed AFP, the movement's organizers believed, would be able to fight more effectively the growing communist threat in the Philippines. Minister of Defense Juan Ponce Enrile secretly sympathized with RAM. The members of the RAM came to be know as reformists.

The RAM.s pleadings for reforms were ignored by Marcos and the AFP Chief of Staff, General Fabian Ver. They were harassed by the dictator and the military. Because of this the Reformists decided to force a coup de'etat was made by the organizers who were close to Juan Ponce Enrile. It was headed by Col. Gregorio Honasan, the chief security officer of Enrile. But the Coup attempt did not take off because it was discovered by Ferdinand Marcos. Several plotters were arrested. Marcos then announced that the military rebels planned to attack Malacañang and to take over the government.

When the RAM realized that Marcos had discovered their plot they sought refuse at the Ministry of National Defense building at Camp Aguinaldo in Quezon City. Enrile took command of the military rebellion. General Fidel Valdez Ramos, the AFP vice-chief of staff and PC chief, sided with Enrile and the reformists and took over control of the Philippine Constabulary Headquarters in Camp Crame which is located across Epifanio delos Santos Avenue (EDSA) from Camp Aguinaldo.

OUTBREAK OF THE 1986 REVOLUTION

Enrile and Ramos announced to the nation in a press conference in Camp Aguinaldo that they were breaking away from the fold of the Marcos Dictatorship and that they supported Corazon Cojuangco Aquino. This announcement was made in the early evening of February 22, 1986.

They said that the Marcos did not win the February 7 snap Presidential election and therefore did not have the mandate of the people.

When Marcos learned about the defection of Enrile and Ramos, he immediately went on nationwide radio and TV to announce that he had discovered and failed the RAM's plot to overthrow the government. He demanded that Ramos and Enrile surrendered. He then promised to look into the grievances of the Reformists. But Enrile and Ramos defied Marcos' orders. The two rebel leaders said that the issue was no longer the reforms but the legitimacy of Marcos' rule. They called on Marcos to resign and warned him not to order any attack on Camp Crame and Aguinaldo for they were prepared to defend the camp. Marcos ordered General Fabian Ver to subdue the rebellion and recapture the two camps.

Source: http://www.oocities.org/collegepark/pool/1644/marcosera.html
 
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THE DECLINE OF THE ECONOMY

As the investigation and trial of the Aquino Assassination was going on, the Philippine economy was having hard times. There was a slow down of economic activities caused largely by high price of oil. The Philippine traditional exports such as sugar and cocunut oil were experiencing a price decline in the world market. The government was forced to borrow more money from the International Monetary Fund to help keep the economy going. The foreign debt of the Philippines reached $26 billion. A big portion of the annual earning of the country was allocated to the payment of annual interest on loans.

The tourism industry suffered a great decline after the Aquino Assassination. The wave of anti-Marcos demonstrations in the country that followed drove the tourists away. In addition, the political troubles hindered the entry of foreign investments. Foreign banks also stopped granting loans to the Philippine government. Foreign creditors started demanding payment of the debts which were already past due.

Without an adequate supply of foreign exchange, the industry sector could no longer import raw materials needed in production. Many factories had to close shop of cut their production because of the difficulty of obtaining raw materials. Many workers were laid off.

Marcos tried to launch a national economic recovery program. He nogotiated with foreign creditors including the International Bank for reconstruction and Development, World Bank, and the International Monetary Fund (IMF), for a restructing of the country's foreign debts – to give the Philippines more time to pay the loans. Marcos launched the Sariling Sikap, a livelihood program, in 1984. He ordered the cut in government expenditure to be able to save money for financing the livelihood program.

Despite the recrovery program, the economy continued to decline. A negative economic growth was experienced in the country beginning in 1984. The failure of the recovery program was due to the lack of credibility of Marcos and the rampant graft and corruption in the government. Many officials went on stealing the people's money by millions through anomalous transactions. Marcos himself spent large sums of government funds to help the candidates of the KBL to win.

THE SNAP ELECTION OF 1986 As the economy continued to decline, the IMF, World Bank, the United States and the country's foreign creditors pressured Marcos to institute reforms as a condition for the grant of additional economic and financial help. Rumors then spread about the possibility of a snap presidential election.

The rumors turned to be true because in November 1985, Marcos announced that there would be a snap presidential election. Marcos said that he needed a new mandate from the people to carry out a national economic recovery program successfully. The Batasang Pambansa enacted a law scheduling the election on February 7, 1986.

The divided opposition had the problem of choosing a candidate to fight Marcos. There were several opposition leaders who aspired to run for president, one of them being former Senator Salvador "Doy" H. Laurel who was nominated in June 1985 by the UNIDO to be its presidential candidate in any future presidential election. But none of them could unite the opposition.

A majority of the opposition and other anti-Marcos groups proposed instead that Mrs. Corazon C. Aquino be made the common opposition candidate for president. Due to a growing nationwide clamor for her to lead the opposition, Aquino agreed to run if Marcos would call for an election and at least one million people would sign a petition urging her to run for president. After the announcement of snap election by Marcos, the Cory Aquino for President Movement (CAPM), organized by Joaquin "Chino" Roces, was able to solicit more than one million signatures nationwide asking Mrs. Aquino to run against Marcos.

Upon the advice of Jaime Cardinal Sin, the Archbishop of Manila, former Senator Salvador Laurel of the UNIDO Party decided to sacrifice his presidential ambition for the sake of unity of the opposition by agreeing to run as Corazon Aquino's vice-presidential candidate.

The campaign period was from Dec. 11, 1995 to Feb. 5, 1986. The two rival political camps had their slogans and symbols. The LABAN Party of Cory Aquino had yellow as the symbolic color while the KBL of Marcos had red. The Aquino'' campaign slogan was "Tama na, Sobra na, palitan na!" The Marcos slogan was "Marcos pa rin!" Aquino had her "L" sign while Marcos had his "V" sign.

Corazon Aquino campaigned on the issue of ending the Marcos dictatorship and the restoration of freedom, justice and democracy. She charged Marcos with impoverishing the nation by allowing his family and cronies to rob the Filipinos of their wealth though illegal transactions. She also denounced the gross violations of human rights of the Marcos regime. She promised to give justice to the victims of harassment and abuses by the government officials.

President Marcos accused Mrs. Corazon Aquino of being a communist herself and said that her husband, Ninoy Aquino, was one of the founders of the Communist Party of the Philippines. He warned that an Aquino victory would pave the way for communist rule in the Philippines. Marcos also criticized Aquino for her lack of experience in government.

IN the election campaign, Marcos said that he favored the retention of the U.S. Military Bases. On the other hand, Mrs. Aquino said whe would let the U.S. Military stay until 1991 when the Military Bases Agreement (MBA) expired.

Mrs. Aquino also accused Marcos of being responsible for her husband's assassination. She also disclosed that Marcos was a fake World War II hero.

THE PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION OF 1986

On February 7, 1986, election day, about 20 million registered voters cast their votes in som 86,000 election precincts throughout the country. It was the most historic in the history of the 3rd republic. It was reported to be the "most controversial and confusing election" ever held in the Philippines, the "most internationally publicized election", and the "most fraudulent election" in the Philippine history.

Marcos resorted to massive vote buying to ensure his victory. KBL leaders in many areas used armed goons to terrorize the voters. There were instances of ballot box snatching. Flying voters were used. Election returns were falsified or altered.

So widespread was the cheating that the Catholic Bishops Conference of the Philippines (CBCP) in a statement issued a week after election, strongly condemned the conduct of the election. The CBCP described the election as "unparalleled in its fraudulence".

The Batasang Pambansa convened itself to make an official canvass of the election returns and to proclaim the winners. Based on the certificates of the canvass submitted to it by the Comelec registrars of 143 provinces, cities, and election districts, the Batasan on Feb. 15, 1986 proclaimed Ferdinand Marcos and Arturo Tolentino as the duly elected president and vice-president , respectively. The official Batasan tabulation showed that Marcos obtained 10,807,197 votes as against Aquino's 9,291,715 votes.

The Batasang Pambansa, which was controlled by the KNL, went on with the canvassing amidst the objections of the opposition members. The opposition MPs pointed out that there were irregularities in most of the certificates of canvass.

The fraudulent election Feb. 7, 1986 destroyed the image of President Marcos and his government abroad. Based on the reports of foreign newsmen and on what they saw on television, many people in the Philippines and abroad felt that Marcos was not the legitimated President of the Philippines. They believed that it was Corazon Aquino who won the presidency. As a result, except for the Soviet Union, not one foreign country congratulated Marcos.

The fraudulent election weakened American support for the Marcos Regime. After receiving the report of Senator Lugar who headed the U.S. election observer team in the Philippines, President Reagan said that "the fraudulent election casts doubts on the legitimacy of Marcos' re-election.

Mrs. Corazon Aquino, believing that she won, refused to accept the election of Marcos. So did the Catholic Church and many other groups which issued strong statements condemning the fraudulent election. On Feb. 16, 1986, Corazon Aquino launched a civil disobedience nationwide at Luneta.

The Philippines on the Eve of the EDSA Revolution

On the eve of the revolution, President Marcos was already a demoralized and beleaguered dictator. The international community of nations was convinced that there was fraud in the February 7 snap election and that he was a president who no longer had the mandate of the people. At that moment, influential members of the U.S. Congress were already urging Marcos to step down and over the presidency to Mrs. Corazon Cojuanco Aquino.

In the country, particularly in Metro Manila, political tension was rising to new heights. The Aquino civil disobedience movement rapidly gained heights and strengths. Students and teachers in many colleges and universities boycotted their classes to protest the fraudulent. February 7 election. Worker's groups planned for a general labor strike throughout the nation.

In the face of these events which threatened his dictatorial regime, Marcos began to issue warnings. He threatened to use his extra-ordinary powers to crush the strike movement. And he gave indications to impose martial law again. In fact he had already prepared a plan code named "Everlasting". The plan called for sending out soldiers loyal to his regime into the streets of Metro Manila to spread terror and violence. They would be in civilian clothes and would pretend to be Aquino followers. This would be used by Marcos as an excuse to impose martial law again in the country. Like what he did in 1972, Marcos would have the military arrest and detain the leaders of the opposition, including those among the clergy and in the armed forces who opposed him. But before he could carry out his plan, the EDSA Revolution of 1986 broke out.

Plans for a Military Coup De'etat

While the anti-Marcos sentiment in the country was growing, a group of young officers in the Armed Forces of the Philippines were making their own plans to overthrow the Marcos dictatorship. These officers were the leading organizers and members of a group known as the Reform the AFP Movement (RAM)

This movement was started in March 1985 by a group of officers who were graduated of the Philippine Military Academy. Its main aim was to work for reform in the armed forces. Just like the other branches of the government, the AFP was riddles with graft and corruption, favoritism and other anomalies that demoralized the decent members of the military. RAM wanted the restoration of professionalism in the military so that the AFP could regain its honor and pride. A reformed AFP, the movement's organizers believed, would be able to fight more effectively the growing communist threat in the Philippines. Minister of Defense Juan Ponce Enrile secretly sympathized with RAM. The members of the RAM came to be know as reformists.

The RAM.s pleadings for reforms were ignored by Marcos and the AFP Chief of Staff, General Fabian Ver. They were harassed by the dictator and the military. Because of this the Reformists decided to force a coup de'etat was made by the organizers who were close to Juan Ponce Enrile. It was headed by Col. Gregorio Honasan, the chief security officer of Enrile. But the Coup attempt did not take off because it was discovered by Ferdinand Marcos. Several plotters were arrested. Marcos then announced that the military rebels planned to attack Malacañang and to take over the government.

When the RAM realized that Marcos had discovered their plot they sought refuse at the Ministry of National Defense building at Camp Aguinaldo in Quezon City. Enrile took command of the military rebellion. General Fidel Valdez Ramos, the AFP vice-chief of staff and PC chief, sided with Enrile and the reformists and took over control of the Philippine Constabulary Headquarters in Camp Crame which is located across Epifanio delos Santos Avenue (EDSA) from Camp Aguinaldo.

OUTBREAK OF THE 1986 REVOLUTION

Enrile and Ramos announced to the nation in a press conference in Camp Aguinaldo that they were breaking away from the fold of the Marcos Dictatorship and that they supported Corazon Cojuangco Aquino. This announcement was made in the early evening of February 22, 1986.

They said that the Marcos did not win the February 7 snap Presidential election and therefore did not have the mandate of the people.

When Marcos learned about the defection of Enrile and Ramos, he immediately went on nationwide radio and TV to announce that he had discovered and failed the RAM's plot to overthrow the government. He demanded that Ramos and Enrile surrendered. He then promised to look into the grievances of the Reformists. But Enrile and Ramos defied Marcos' orders. The two rebel leaders said that the issue was no longer the reforms but the legitimacy of Marcos' rule. They called on Marcos to resign and warned him not to order any attack on Camp Crame and Aguinaldo for they were prepared to defend the camp. Marcos ordered General Fabian Ver to subdue the rebellion and recapture the two camps.

Source: http://www.oocities.org/collegepark/pool/1644/marcosera.html

sayang madaming tao ang gusto maalis siya..ngayun na saan ang pinag laban nilang demokrasya,,na saan na ba ang bansang pilipinas?
 
wow talagang hindi ako nagkamali na nagtitiwala pa rin ako sa mga marcoses since then
 
marcos the best! kaya go tayo kay bbm this coming may 9 for vp!
 
Parang si Binay din yan si Marcos. Ang pinagkaiba lang nila, eh mas malaki ang plunder nya. Here's how they spend money that was charged to the Central Bank.

= When Imelda Marcos would go into a shopping spree, she would spend up to 2 million pesos a day (and that was during the early 80s where one peso had a big amount).

= May 1979 The Marcos couple celebrated their twenty-fifth wedding anniversary in a party that cost $5,000,000.00 There was a silver carriage drawn by eight white horses.

= April 1979 in two days in New York this month, Imelda spent $280,000 for a necklace wet with emeralds and diamonds; $18,500 for a yellow gold evening bag with one round cut diamond; $8,975.20 for 20-carat gold ear clips with twenty-four baguette diamonds; $8,438.10 for 18-carat gold ear clips with fifty-two tapered baguette diamonds; and $12,056.50 for 20 carat gold ear clips with diamonds.

= February 25, 1986. Marcos fled the Philippines leaving behind a foreign debt of $27 billion and a bureaucracy gone mad. “Cash advances” for the elections from the national treasury amounted to Php 3.12 billion ($150 million). The Central Bank printed millions of peso bills, many with the same serial number. Sixty million pesos in newly printed bills were found in a vehicle owned by Imelda’s brother Bejo in the Port Area of Manila, and another Php 100 million aboard the MV Legaspi also owned by Bejo Romualdez.

= Imelda charged off most of her spending sprees to the PNB or Philippine National Bank which creatively wrote off her debts as “unresponded transfers”.

= The known losses at the PNB amounted to Php72.1 billion.
= At the DBP, the losses Marcos left behind totaled Php85 billion;

= February 26, 1986. A few hours after the Marcos party landed in Honolulu, their luggage arrived - 300 crates on board a C-141 cargo jet. It took twenty-five customs officers five hours to tag the bags and identify the contents. The process was videotaped because of all the money and jewelry found inside.

= There were 278 crates of jewelry and art worth an estimated US$5 million. Twenty-two crates contained more than Php27.7 million in newly minted currency, mostly hundred-peso denominations worth approximately US $1,270,000. 00 (It was illegal at that time for anyone to depart the Philippines carrying more than Php500 in cash.)

= There were 24 one-kilo gold bars fitted into 2 0$17,000 hand-tooled Gucci briefcase with a solid gold buckle and a plaque on it that read, “To Ferdinand Marcos, from Imelda, on the Occasion of our 24th Wedding Anniversary.”

= February 1986. When Marcos departed the Philippines, the losses in the three Central Bank accounts surpassed Php 122 billion (more than $6 billion). The big bulk of losses was attributed to the RIR account mainly due to two items: forward cover and swap contracts. (AT SASABIHIN NYONG ANG MGA AQUINO ANG REASON NA ANG HIRAP NA NATIN NGAYON?) ISIP NAMAN MGA BUGOK!)

= February 28, 1986. On this day, Jim Burke, security expert from the US Embassy, was tapping on the wooden paneling in Imelda’s abandoned Malacanang bedroom when he heard a hollow sound. It was the walk-in vault. Inside were thirty-five suitcases secured with locks and tape.
They contained a treasure trove of documents about Swiss bank accounts, New York real estate, foundations in Vaduz , and some notepaper on which Marcos had practiced his William Saunders signature. They also contained jewelry valued at some US$10.5 million.

= Marcos used to/still holds onto/held three World Records in Guinness (not sure if it was broken or not today) The largest human rights case in history - 10,000 victims.
Guinness Book of Records - the world’s greatest thief.
The largest monetary award in history - $22 billion..

= December 1991. The Central Bank had accumulated losses of Php324 billion in the Special Accounts. (This was after Imeldar returned to the Philippines saying "She came home penniless") while she lived in a suite at the Philippine Plaza Hotel which cost $2,000 a day and rented sixty rooms for her entourage - American lawyers, American security guards and American PR firms.

= November 30, 1992. The Central Bank losses were Php561 billion and climbing. Cuisia asked that the CB be restructured. Sen. Romulo asked to see the 1983 audit of the international reserves. He couldn’t get a copy. It was “restricted” .[/B] (AT SABIHIN NYONG MGA AQUINO ANG REASON NA ANG HIRAP TAYO NGAYON? ISIP NAMAN MGA BUGOK!)

= In January 17, 1975, a secret decree not made public until after the Edsa insurrection was signed by Marcos stating that in the event he became incapacitated or died, power would be turned over to Imelda. (ANG TALINO TALAGA NI MARCOS ANO?) On June 7, 1975, in his own handwriting, Marcos amended the January 17th decree and clarified imelda’s role as chairperson of committee with presidential powers.
 
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Thanks sa information mga sir..

Pinapatunayan lang nito yung kasabihan na "Lahat ng sobra ay masama". Sabihin na natin na naging maganda ang pamumuno ni Marcos sa umpisa. Pero masyado syang naging greedy sa kapangyarihan at nagpaimpluwensya pa kay Imelda. Pero sa kabilang banda,malaki din kasalanan ng mga tao nuon.Pinilit nilang tumakbo si Cory Aquino (remember 1 million vote for Cory?) kahit ayaw nito. Ang resulta?ayun,wala ding nangyari. Kung si Laurel pa siguro naging Presidente baka nagka pag-asa pa. diba??:noidea::noidea::noidea:
 
Thanks sa information mga sir..

Pinapatunayan lang nito yung kasabihan na "Lahat ng sobra ay masama". Sabihin na natin na naging maganda ang pamumuno ni Marcos sa umpisa. Pero masyado syang naging greedy sa kapangyarihan at nagpaimpluwensya pa kay Imelda. Pero sa kabilang banda,malaki din kasalanan ng mga tao nuon.Pinilit nilang tumakbo si Cory Aquino (remember 1 million vote for Cory?) kahit ayaw nito. Ang resulta?ayun,wala ding nangyari. Kung si Laurel pa siguro naging Presidente baka nagka pag-asa pa. diba??:noidea::noidea::noidea:

laurel??? di rin... bago ka bumanat ng salita mag research ka muna talaga kungano nangyari...
 
Masama talaga ang sobra. Mahalaga ang term limit sa presidency para hindi humantong sa abuse of power. Ang ginawa ni Marcos, pinaltan niya ang konstitusyon, inalis ang term limit, inabolish ang Senado at inako ang lahat ng kapangyarihan sa gobyerno at naging diktador. Kaya ganito ang kinahantungan ng Pilipinas. Ung mga problema ng mga sumunod na administrasyon mula kay Cory ay minana lang nila kay Marcos. Kahit sino pang presidenteng naupo pagkatapos ni Marcos hindi niya maiaahon ang Pilipinas sa laki ng pinsalang ginawa ni Marcos sa bansa sa loob ng 21 years. Kapareho ng sa communist countries ang nangyari sa Pilipinas nung panahon ni Marcos na kahit matagal nang nagwakas ang communism sa mga bansang un, hindi pa rin sila nakakaahon hanggang ngaun sa malaking pinsalang idinulot ng communism.

Tinuruan na tayo ng mga Amerikano ng tamang pamamahala nung panahon ng Commonwealth. Puro statesman noon ang nahahalal sa gobyerno at hindi talamak ang corruption. Kaso sinira un ni Marcos at ibinalik niya ulit ang masamang political culture at mentality na ipinamana ng mga Espanhol kaya ngaun puro mga incompetent ang nagiging leader at garapalan na ang corruption.
 
marcos parin... kahit sinong itapat na naging presidente.. lalo na ung mga aquinos ilang ang mga nagawa nila para sa bayan?puro sila masacre hacienda luisita, mendiola at ngaun kidapawan... iatatnong ko lang sana kung anong problema nila sa mga magsasaka.. bakit lagi nilang inaargabyado.. pati ung mga dapat na ipamahagi na lupain para sa magsasaka ayaw nila ibigay... kaya nila pinatalsik si corona at pinakulong si GMA kasi nung panahon ni GMA naaprubahan ang pamamahagi dapat ng mga lupain sa magsasaka at ang chief justice noon ay si corona... tignan nio wala namang ninakaw si corona pero napatalsik... MGA AQUINO ANG TAKSIL SA BAYAN..... marcos parin
 
Masama talaga ang sobra. Mahalaga ang term limit sa presidency para hindi humantong sa abuse of power. Ang ginawa ni Marcos, pinaltan niya ang konstitusyon, inalis ang term limit, inabolish ang Senado at inako ang lahat ng kapangyarihan sa gobyerno at naging diktador. Kaya ganito ang kinahantungan ng Pilipinas. Ung mga problema ng mga sumunod na administrasyon mula kay Cory ay minana lang nila kay Marcos. Kahit sino pang presidenteng naupo pagkatapos ni Marcos hindi niya maiaahon ang Pilipinas sa laki ng pinsalang ginawa ni Marcos sa bansa sa loob ng 21 years. Kapareho ng sa communist countries ang nangyari sa Pilipinas nung panahon ni Marcos na kahit matagal nang nagwakas ang communism sa mga bansang un, hindi pa rin sila nakakaahon hanggang ngaun sa malaking pinsalang idinulot ng communism.

Tinuruan na tayo ng mga Amerikano ng tamang pamamahala nung panahon ng Commonwealth. Puro statesman noon ang nahahalal sa gobyerno at hindi talamak ang corruption. Kaso sinira un ni Marcos at ibinalik niya ulit ang masamang political culture at mentality na ipinamana ng mga Espanhol kaya ngaun puro mga incompetent ang nagiging leader at garapalan na ang corruption.


makapanisi ka wagas ah.... kala mo si marcos may gawa ng lahat... isa ka siguro sa pakawala ng tuwad na daan. hehehehe
 
He he! Meron palang ganito dito sa Symbianize! Ayus to!

With regards to the Marcos' riches and said assets, nabasa ko kasi yung libro ng mag asawang Sterling at Peggy Seagrave na "Gold Warriors". Mga investigative journalist ang mag asawang Seagrave at sa pamamagitan ng kanilang masusing imbestigagsyon, dokumentasyon at cross referencing e natukoy nila ang sinasabing pinagmulan ng tinatawag na "Yamashita Treasure" at papano napasama sa kwento ng treasure hoard na ito ang Isang Ferdinand E. Marcos at kung papano nakinabang si Pres. Marcos sa kayamanang ito at kung papano ito ring yamang ito ang nagsilbing sanhi ng pagbasak ng kanyang rehimen.

Mahaba at very intricate ang pag trace ng mga author sa yamang ito at kung papano napunta sa kamay ito ni Pres. Marcos at maraming bansa at mga gobyerno ang naghabol at nakinabang dito at pangunahing na rito ang Amerika kung kayat ang mag asawang Seagrave na bagamat mga American citizen e nagtatago ngayon sa gobyerno nila mismo dahil marami silang mga sikreto ng US goverment na nilahad nila sa kanilang mga libro at palagi silang nakaka tanggap ng mga Death Threats dahil sa kanilang pagbubunyag.

Tanong: Naniniwala ba ako na nagnakaw sa kaban ng bayan si Pres. Marcos?
Sagot: Hindi. Dahil sa nabasa ko sa librong ito, naipaliwanag ng malaliman at ng malinaw kung papano naging mayaman si Marcos at kung papano nya naa afford na maging marangya sa lahat ng bagay. Tandaan natin na acquitted sa mga kasong Plunder ang pamilya Marcos sa mga Courts sa Amerika. Walang nakapag patunay na galing sa kaban ng bayan ang kanilang yaman.

Sana ay mabasa rin ng ating mga ka-symbianize ang librong ito pero sadly e napaka hirap kumuha ng kopya nito maging sa US! Mukhang ayaw ng US goverment na dumami pa ang kopya nito dahil na nga rin sa pagka anti US goverment ng nilalaman nito.

Ang mag asawang Seagrave din ang Author ng mga librong Yamato Dynasty, Marcos Dynasty at Lords of the Rim!

Pandagdag kaalaman lang naman po!
 
Hanggang ngayon naniniwala parin akong si Imelda ang lahat ng dahil kung bakit naging ganun si Marcos..

Best President sana siya..

F**K Imelda !! :rant:

:furious::furious::furious:
 
Bumagsak ang pilipinas nung bumagsak si Marcos. Ano ba nagawa ng mga Aquino na yan? Ilang taon na silang may hawak sa gobyerno pero wala naman nangyari. Di nyo makalimutan yung Martial Law pero yung Hacienda Luisita Massacre, SAF44 at kung anu ano pa hindi? Napaka BIAS nyo naman. Yung Hacienda Luista after 10 years nung nabili nila dapat ipapamahagi ang 10% sa mga nagsasaka dun pero after 10 years hindi nila binigay at pinatay din nila yung mga nag protesta sakanila. Nung naging presidente naman si Cory may binago sya na hindi pwedeng galawin yun. Tapos si CJ Corona naaalala nyo pa ba? Dilaw ang tunay na masama dito.
 
alam niyo ba na may utang tayo dahil kay marcos. MALAKING UTANG

na hanggang ngayon ay BINABAYARAN PARIN NATIN
hindi lahat ng anti ferdi marcos ay pro-aquino
 
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